ALTERNATIVES FOR POST-ELECTION PEACE, RECONCILIATION AND STABILITY IN AFRICAN STATES: THE EXAMPLE OF MOZAMBIQUE

 [OPINION]

Author: Sergio dos Céus Nelson[1]

 

 

Photo: Google

Elections in many African states, although they represent important milestones in the strengthening of democracies, are often accompanied by political tensions, social conflicts and episodes of violence. This scenario reflects contexts marked by ethnic divisions, socioeconomic inequalities, distrust in institutions and colonial legacies that have shaped borders and power relations. Therefore, post-electoral peacebuilding requires comprehensive approaches adapted to local realities, as Régio Conrado explained in an electoral debate promoted by TVM (2024). 

There are several post-electoral challenges in African countries, which are mostly controlled by liberation parties. Among the challenges that can be mentioned, we can highlight ethnic and regional polarization, which means that in many African countries, elections are perceived as disputes between ethnic groups or regions, rather than political debates on public policies. This fuels historical rivalries and deepens divisions that distort the ideals of unified nations. On the other hand, there are, to a large extent, aspects related to institutional weakness, characterized by the lack of trust in electoral bodies, judiciaries and other institutions, which contributes to electoral defeats being interpreted as fraud, leading to protests and violence, actions that we have been experiencing particularly in Mozambique, with people taking the lead in looting and destroying public and private property, under the pretext of electoral dissatisfaction.

Socially notable debates mention economic inequality as one of the elements that justify these times that Mozambique is experiencing. It is justified that the economic exclusion of certain groups creates resentment that manifests itself during and after the electoral period, exacerbating conflicts. On the other hand, it is imperative to highlight the intervention of external actors, since the geopolitical interests of foreign powers can amplify local tensions, making peaceful solutions difficult in Mozambique, in particular.

As previously explained, post-electoral conflicts are recurring challenges in democracies, especially in contexts marked by political polarization, social inequalities and distrust in institutions. After the end of a fierce electoral process, it is essential to promote initiatives that favor reconciliation, the strengthening of the social fabric and political stability. In this context, peacebuilding is not just an immediate objective, but an ongoing process that requires collective efforts, committed leadership and robust institutions.

Conflicts that emerge after elections can take many forms, including protests, political violence, hate speech or legal disputes. They often reflect not only dissatisfaction with the election results, but also broader social tensions, such as economic inequality, political exclusion and ideological polarization. Resolving these conflicts requires approaches that go beyond one-size-fits-all solutions, involving building bridges between different groups and strengthening a political culture based on dialogue and tolerance. 

In these contexts, I think it is appropriate to discuss the pillars of national unity - a fundamental principle for the stability and development of any country. It transcends individual and regional differences, promoting a collective identity capable of facing the challenges of a nation. In this sense, unity is not just an ideal, but a strategic necessity for building a prosperous and harmonious future.           

It is urgent that Mozambicans realize that national unity is vital to overcoming crises, since it is the cohesion of a people that allows for common solutions to problems. The French philosopher and sociologist Émile Durkheim, in his work “The Division of Social Labor”, emphasizes that solidarity is a crucial factor for the unity of a society, saying that “social cohesion is the cement that unites the parts of a complex society”. Thus, national unity does not come about through the elimination of differences, but through the recognition and respect for them, in a constant search for harmony among all citizens.

In times of division or political crisis, such as those we (Mozambicans) are experiencing, the call for national unity becomes even more relevant. As President Abraham Lincoln warned during the American Civil War, "the nation, with the help of God, must be given a new consecration to freedom and unity." This vision teaches us that unity should not be seen as a utopia, but as a continued and renewed commitment to the ideals that sustain the nation.

In many cases, an electoral crisis begins with dissatisfaction among one or more groups regarding the election results. This dissatisfaction can be exacerbated by a polarized political culture, where ideological differences become extreme, making it difficult to recognize the democratic process as legitimate. In the current context, with the rise of social media, disinformation and fake news, electoral crises tend to be more visible and, in many cases, more intense, given that fake news can generate an environment of insecurity and distrust.

Another factor that I consider crucial in the current electoral crisis is the issue of trust in democratic institutions, such as the Conselho Constitucional and the authorities responsible for organizing and monitoring elections. When there is a breakdown between citizens and these institutions, a climate of uncertainty can be created that threatens the political stability of a country. In fact, I like the debate raised by Josué Bila, when he looks at politics as an element resulting from a social construction.

Just as we experience drastic actions such as protests, demonstrations, or even the (albeit small) intention of a coup d'état, an electoral crisis is not just a matter of vote counting or failures in the voting system, but also involves a series of political, social and cultural factors that reflect the health of democracy in a country like ours. The way we decide to manage these crises can determine the political future of our nation, as an effective solution can restore confidence in the electoral system, while inadequate management can further aggravate polarization and compromise political stability.

If we look at conflicts from the perspective of security during election periods, a sociopolitical and anthropological analysis may be essential, since the election period is a time of intense social mobilization, when political disputes and social tensions emerge with greater visibility. It is, in fact, a phase marked by a duality: while it symbolizes the celebration of democracy and the exercise of citizenship, it can also trigger conflicts that put social stability and public security at risk. From an anthropological perspective, these conflicts are not just isolated incidents, but reflections of structural inequalities, cultural divisions and historical tensions that permeate Mozambican society. 

Security during elections involves both the physical protection of voters, candidates and institutions, and ensuring a peaceful environment in which to vote. However, in many contexts, challenges such as political violence, voter intimidation and manipulation of the electoral process compromise this security. We saw situations in Hulene, Machava, Rapale, Pemba, Namialo, Chibuto, Maxixe, Quelimane, Marromeu and other parts of the country where citizens expressed fatigue due to the ongoing process.

I believe it is essential to explain that from this anthropological perspective, assassinations, threats and attacks directed at candidates and their supporters are considered political violence - a reality that is still very much alive in our context, in which the house of the Mayor of Macia was invaded and he felt the need to break down the wall to escape the popular fury. On the other hand, we see hundreds of Mozambicans dead, violated because of the disproportionate use of force by the FDS. These acts, in addition to being an attempt on life, undermine confidence in democratic institutions.

It is urgent to understand that in areas where armed groups or local forces have influence, voters can be coerced into voting for certain candidates, compromising their freedom of choice – I am certainly referring to intimidation and possible social control. In the same vein, if we have to analyze protests and repression, we can say that social movements and demonstrations are common during election periods, especially in contexts of distrust in the political system. The state response, sometimes violent, can aggravate conflicts and generate human rights violations.

KEY NOTE: From an anthropological perspective, elections are more than a political process; they also function as a collective ritual that reinforces or challenges the social order. In other words, security in this context is not limited to conflict control, but involves protecting the democratic ritual itself, ensuring that it is perceived as legitimate and inclusive. From another perspective, violence or conflict can be understood as forms of contestation of the status quo, a means for marginalized or dissatisfied groups to express their exclusion from the social pact represented by elections. In this sense, conflict can be seen not only as a threat to security, but also as a demand for recognition and social justice. 

In light of the above, I believe we can state that there are ways to reduce conflicts and promote security in Mozambique. These include political education (promoting dialogue and combating disinformation - fundamental strategies for reducing polarization), institutional strengthening (transparent and reliable electoral systems help mitigate suspicions of fraud and associated conflicts), conflict mediation (investing in mediation and dialogue mechanisms between divergent groups can prevent the escalation of tensions), as well as the protection of human rights (ensuring that security forces behave proportionately and respect fundamental rights, to avoid excessive repression).

We can firmly state that conflicts and security issues during electoral periods are reflections of the social, political and cultural complexities of a society. They expose the weaknesses of the democratic system, but they can also be understood as opportunities to strengthen dialogue, promote structural reforms and reaffirm the commitment to justice and equality. From an anthropological perspective, understanding the roots of these conflicts is essential to building a more inclusive and peaceful electoral process, capable of reflecting the aspirations of all segments of society.

From the perspective of political sociology, taking into account power relations and participation, it is possible to view this phase as a privileged moment for the analysis of political sociology, since it represents the convergence between democratic practices, power struggles and social mobilization. Elections are, at the same time, rituals that legitimize political institutions and arenas of conflict, where different social groups seek to assert their interests, values ​​and worldviews. In this logic, the electoral process is not limited to the act of voting, but encompasses a complex network of interactions between the State, civil society, the media and the economy. Furthermore, political sociology understands the electoral period as a field of dispute for symbolic and material power. Voting, in this context, is an expression of citizens' ability to influence the course of political decisions. However, access to political power is not distributed equitably, being shaped by factors such as social class, race, gender, religion and geographic location. 

An interesting fact that can be highlighted in this vote has to do with the fact that dominant groups use elections to consolidate their hegemony, while marginalized groups see them as an opportunity for contestation and transformation. The electoral dispute, therefore, reflects both the structures of domination and the possibilities for emancipation within a society. However, political participation does not occur in a homogeneous manner. Factors such as education, income and belonging to minority groups influence the level of political engagement. In addition, social networks have emerged as a new public sphere, allowing the organization of decentralized movements, but also intensifying polarization and the dissemination of misinformation.

In polarized societies, such as Mozambique, elections can exacerbate divisions, making it difficult to build consensus and foster dialogue between opposing groups. Perhaps we have failed to fully understand that political institutions play a central role in electoral periods, ensuring the legality and legitimacy of the process. From a sociological perspective, the State is seen as a structure that regulates social conflicts, but which can also be questioned for its partiality or inefficiency. Therefore, fair and transparent electoral systems are essential for maintaining democratic order. However, when there are suspicions of fraud or manipulation, trust in institutions is shaken, leading to crises of legitimacy that can trigger protests and civil disobedience, as we have experienced.

Before moving on to the end of my calm reasoning, it seems essential to me to state that after elections, it is common for social movements to intensify, regardless of the electoral result. Those who feel represented by the elected government can organize mobilizations to reinforce their agendas and ensure that their demands are included in the political agenda. On the other hand, dissatisfied groups can often engage in demonstrations, seeking to express their disagreement and resist changes perceived as threatening to their interests or identities.

Post-electoral social movements often use practices and symbols that connect their participants to broader historical or cultural narratives. Flags, chants, performances, and even occupations of public spaces are strategies to make the cause they are defending visible. These elements carry meanings that transcend the event itself, referring to collective memories, past struggles, and projections of desired futures. From an anthropological perspective, such practices reveal the capacity of social groups to reinterpret the past and shape the present, not only being strategic actions, but also rituals of belonging and identity reaffirmation.

In the midst of this debate, I think it is appropriate to discuss the pillars of peace and social reconstruction in Mozambique. To do so, we need to understand that peace is, without a doubt, one of the most profound and ambiguous concepts in philosophy. For some, it is the natural state of humanity, an inherent desire of human beings who seek harmony and serenity both within themselves and in their relationships with others. For others, peace is a complex construction that requires constant effort, not only in the external spheres, but also in our inner world.

External peace, understood as the absence of war or conflict, is often seen as the ideal condition for human progress. However, such peace can be fragile and superficial, as it does not, in itself, guarantee the elimination of inequalities, injustices or resentments. True peace, perhaps, lies not in the stillness of arms, but in the capacity of societies and individuals to cultivate relationships based on mutual respect, understanding and equity. In this sense, peace would not be something that is achieved once and for all, but rather a daily practice that requires constant reflection on the values ​​that guide our actions.

In his work The Republic, Plato suggests that true peace can only be achieved in a just society, where the harmony between the different elements of the city reflects the inner harmony of each individual. For him, peace is not just the absence of discord, but the presence of the common good, where all citizens have their role, their virtues and their place within the whole. Peace, then, becomes a profound order, which encompasses both the collective and the individual, and which is established when personal desires are subjugated to the collective good.

Philosophers such as Epicurus and the Stoics understood that peace does not depend solely on the external world, but on the individual's ability to control his or her passions and reactions. True inner peace, for these thinkers, comes from self-knowledge, acceptance of human finitude, and the practice of virtue. For the Stoics, for example, peace was an attitude toward the inevitable chaos of life, a tranquility that would only be possible by cultivating indifference to things that are not under our control.

In modern times, philosophers such as Immanuel Kant have reflected on peace from a more political and cosmopolitan perspective. In his work “Towards Perpetual Peace”, Kant argues that lasting peace between nations depends on the establishment of a system of universal laws and a federation of states that respect human rights and the autonomy of their peoples. For him, peace is not something that occurs by chance, but an ideal to be pursued through reason, ethics and international cooperation. Peace, then, becomes an ethical project that requires the active participation of all. However, there is an intrinsic philosophical tension about what is necessary to achieve peace. Peace can be understood as something passive, a state of absence of conflict, or as an active process, involving profound transformations in social structures and in the way we relate to others and to ourselves.

Finally, perhaps the greatest philosophical lesson about peace is its paradoxical nature: it is never definitive or simple. It requires both the strength to fight for it and the wisdom to recognize its fragility. True peace is not, in this context, just the stillness of the body or the nation, but the serenity of the mind and the harmony of the spirit. Therefore, peace, ultimately, is not a destination, but a constant practice, a commitment to living well, both individually and collectively. And, like every great human value, it needs to be cultivated every day, hence the need for Mozambicans to recognize the importance of urgently eliminating violent acts that disfigure what should define Mozambicans: unity and social cohesion.

 

AFTER ALL, WHAT CAN BE CONSIDERED AS ALTERNATIVES FOR BUILDING PEACE IN MOZAMBIQUE?

 

The country is at a critical stage, as it needs to reform social coexistence and unite Mozambicans. To this end, I believe it would be essential to introduce institutional reforms, promote intercommunity dialogue, and ensure restorative justice and reparations. In other words, where there is electoral violence, restorative justice mechanisms must be implemented. This includes truth and reconciliation commissions, such as those held in South Africa, to promote accountability and reconciliation between groups.

In the same vein, it would be important to have political education to reduce electoral manipulation based on ethnicity or misinformation. We need inclusive economic development, adopt serious international and regional electoral observation practices, ensure leadership focused on solutions, campaigns for the reconciliation of Mozambicans, as was the case in South Africa (1994) in the post-apartheid period, Kenya (2008), with the implementation of the coalition government, etc.

There is no doubt that we will not achieve peace unless we opt for dialogue, ensuring the exercise of citizenship, combating misinformation and including socially marginalized groups. In this list of ideas, I believe it is essential to criticize the behavior of the media and argue that the media should inform for peace and social reconstruction, without leaving out the elements that justify the struggles waged by a society that considers itself oppressed, wronged and that yearns for improvements in living conditions.

 

 

 

Maputo, 19 December 2024

In a search for peace and social cohesion.

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[1]Sérgio dos Céus Nelson is an award-winning writer (2009), an award-winning journalist in Brazil for his work in favor of Human Rights (2015), a World Ambassador for Peace by the Global Peace Chain (New York), and a researcher with participation in thethein scientific notebooks, Graduated in Journalism from Eduardo Mondlane University and Master in RelationstheInternational Affairs and Development, with a Specialization in Foreign Policy, at Joaquim Chissano University.